By Hans Kung
Because the 20th century attracts to a detailed and the frenzy to globalization gathers momentum, political and fiscal concerns are crowding out very important moral questions about the form of our destiny. Now, Hans K?ng, one of many world's preeminent Christian theologians, explores those matters in a visionary and cautionary examine the arriving worldwide society. How can the recent international order of the 21st century steer clear of the horrors of the 20th? Will international locations shape a true group or proceed to aggressively pursue their very own pursuits? Will the Machiavellian techniques of the prior be triumphant over idealism and a extra humanitarian politics? What function can faith play in an international more and more ruled by way of transnational agencies? K?ng tackles those and plenty of different questions with the perception and ethical authority that comes from a lifetime's devotion to the quest for justice and human dignity. Arguing opposed to either an amoral realpolitik and an immoral resurgence of laissez faire economics, K?ng defines a accomplished ethic based at the bedrock of mutual appreciate and humane remedy of all beings that might surround the ecological, criminal, technological, and social styles which are reshaping civilization. If we will have an international economic climate, an international know-how, an international media, K?ng argues, we also needs to have an international ethic to which all international locations, and peoples of the main diversified backgrounds and ideology, can devote themselves. "The world," he says, "is unlikely to be held jointly via the Internet." For someone eager about the area we're developing, an international Ethic for international Politics and Economics bargains equivalent measures of educated research, compassionate foresight, and clever assistance.
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Extra resources for A Global Ethic for Global Politics and Economics
Like almost all statesmen of modern times he had no moral objections to war as the last resort and the 'continuation of politics by other means' (as Clausewitz put it), and in six years he was able to wage it three times, resolutely and victoriously: against Denmark (1864), Austria-Hungary (1866) and France (1870-71). But in principle he gave priority to diplomacy in achieving his political aims. He waged war only when it was necessary for achieving his political plan, and set clearly limited aims to it: against the generality of the Prussians, in 1866 he did not allow the troops to march through to Vienna to destroy the Habsburg monarchy.
The revolution in politics which the Italian thinker, a political failure, had thought out in theory in his wretched exile was realized in a bold and sovereign way a century later by the French cardinal who, after initial failures, had arrived on the scene. What impresses Henry Kissinger (who knows Machiavelli very well indeed but remarkably never quotes him) so positively about Richelieu (and what he misses in 'idealistic' American policy) has its basis here: such 'reasons of state' can, may and should deviate from ethical norms which individual reason, the individual conscience, has to follow.
On 6 October there followed the German 30 A Global Ethic for Global Politics and Economics request for a cease-fire on the basis of the Fourteen Points, and on 11 November a cease-fire was finally concluded. Thus far at least the peace message of the American President had accomplished its purpose. However, the 'realists' of world politics, and here Kissinger is truly not alone, are anxious to dismiss this novel peace programme as an idealistic programme, in order in this way to provide theoretical justification for power politics in the old European style and to continue it in practice - mindless of the fact that although the United States entered the war so late, it too had to mourn 112,432 dead and 230,074 wounded.